Friday, May 26, 2023

Language as Resistance in Literature

Today my mind wanders back to the topic of “resistance” in literature. Indeed, I’ve just finished a look at the subject as I summarized the ideas that spoke most strongly to me after my reading of Barbara Harlow’s Resistance Literature, an academic study of “a body of writing largely ignored in the West.”

 Harlow's 1987 book looks at the role of literature — especially poetry and the prison memoir — in “Third World” liberation movements during the late days of European colonialism. What I have shaved off that summary post at the Grandfather Hu blog is shared here, in this Voce Della Volpe blog. It is a brief look at the topic of “language” as a weapon in the hands of the oppressor.

What are the “representative aspects” of resistance literature?

At the top of the list is “language.” Harlow argues that the writer’s choice of the language is itself “a political statement.” In this Voce Della Volpe post, I’ll focus on the idea of “language” as a strategy for oppression. 

This is actually a topic close to my heart, as I recall stories told by my grandmother who grew up as a minority subject of the Austrian-Hungarian Empire. My grandmother could speak and read Hungarian, which was the language of her schooling. But she also spoke of the punishment she and her classmates received when the teachers caught them their native tongue. They were forced to kneel on the point of a triangular piece of wood until their knees bled. Whippings for repeat violators were not unusual.

This memory of my grandmother’s stories remained with me as I heard stories from Taiwanese friends who shared their own memories of being chastised, often with corporal punishment, for speaking their mother tongue in the classroom.

Language loss and linguistic repression are powerful implements in the colonial toolbox. The history of colonization in Taiwan offers a fascinating and frightening example of how conquerors understand the power of language as both a force of oppression and resistance. 

In the early years of imperial Japan’s occupation of the island (1894 to 1945) the local “Taiwanese” dialect and aboriginal languages were allowed as the languages of the non-official realm, while Mandarin was strictly forbidden. That situation was completely, albeit gradually, flipped when the island was ceded to the control of the Nationalist Party from China. With the Nationalists in full power, the many indigenous languages, the Chinese Hakka language, and the majority Taiwanese language were prohibited in classrooms, the media, and trade. 

Mandarin came to be associated with “loyalty,” and Taiwanese was shunted aside as a signifier of lower social and cultural status until the late 1980s when the full authority of the authoritarian regime started to fade. Even so, the result of the decades-long oppression of linguistic expression was a highly successful endeavor of the colonizing regimes, resulting in the endangerment of some tribal languages and the reduction in the number of Taiwanese-language speakers, even in those regions where the majority population once was dominated by non-“mainlander” communities.

Linguistic colonization continues today in many nations, in part through language and educational policies, as is suggested by what some see as a decrease in the number of Cantonese speakers throughout Guangdong Province, the regional birthplace of this beautiful and complex language. Though the cause of this oppression may just as likely be the flattening effects of the electronic media. It may even be the demands of a capitalist economy that play a role in cutting the hard crust of regional accents from the bread of a national language, a concern expressed by some in the United Kingdom. In the United States the dominance of the media has inarguably affected the way English is, like, you know, like, you know, spoken? Oh Valley Girl, what have you done to English?

In terms of literary production, polyphony is an important aspect of resistance writing. I cannot help but think of Mikhail Bakhtin’s idea of “heteroglossia” as a quality of resistance writing, with different speech patterns standing as challenges to the “historical record” of officialdom while representing the continuing presence of the marginalized. Polyphony in the resistance text reveals social and political dimensions, as well as the psychological depths of the protagonists engaged in these struggles. 

One of the living examples of the use of language as an obvious form of resistance is Gabino Iglesias, whose novels include entire passages of untranslated Spanish as well as accents that identify protagonists’ cultural and class backgrounds. Iglesias’ first book, Zero Saints, is an ideal example of Harlow’s observation that resistance narratives “may be positively or healthily challenging” to readers who are unfamiliar with texts that ask of them a larger degree of “awareness.” The predominance of Spanish in Zero Saints challenges the idea of English as the “American language,” while the protagonists and the narrative serve as “resistance” to the major political climate that has given rise to the horrors of human trafficking and economic inequality.

Language can be such an important part of a literary text, providing not only an element of resistance but of reality as well.

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*Artwork: “Roots and Wings” by Patti Durr, as found at the Whitman Works Company art gallery blog. Used without permission, so please undo my error by visiting their website and checking out the beautiful and relevant artworks displayed and discussed on their blog.

Tuesday, February 28, 2023

Words Can Make a Difference

 

An inspiring article about neoliberal French philosopher Bernard-Henri Lévy appeared in this morning’s New York Times newspaper (2023 March 1).

Did you say Inspiring? Yes. I actually used that adjective — and more shockingly I’m applying it to the philosopher’s words.

I know, I know. It is downright frightening that I could be lulled into admiration for anything said by or about a proponent of near-fascist ideals, but there it is. The report is an introduction to a new documentary film that Lévy has recently made about the Russian colonization of Ukraine: Slava Ukraini (Glory to Ukraine).

The inspirational arguments I’m drawing from this report — a combination of news, review, and analysis — come not from any of the millionaire philosopher’s particular sociological views (such as the gratingly sexist and anti-environmentalist arguments he’s expressed), but from his larger sense of “liberation,” “resistance,” and “relevance.”

Specifically, I’m drawn to Lévy’s notion of “tikkun olam,” the idea that Jews have a responsibility to “repair the world” through good deeds.

The Hebrew term — “mipnei tikkun ha-olam” — is derived from a Medieval mystical tradition that sought to separate the sinister and the sacred in the world by bringing people together for the contemplative performance of religious acts.

Lévy’s 1977 book Barbarism With a Human Face is credited with the popularization of the idea of “tikkun olam,” spreading it beyond the liberal Judaic community where it is at the heart of progressive social action programs that strive to improve the world through tzedakah (charitable giving) and gemilut hasadim (acts of kindness).

The ideals of “tikkun olam” appeal to me, especially as I learn to struggle against my mind’s addiction to the wicked brew of nihilistic cynicism and academic detachment.

The greatest inspiration I glean from this Times report of Lévy’s career is his notion that words can be powerful weapons of resistance and liberation. And while the philosopher endorses the power of words as expressed in philosophical argument offered in the textual and audiovisual media, I see in this the idea that Art has strengths that extend far beyond aesthetic and entertainment values. Art can change the world, influencing human activity toward good or evil.

The controversial philosopher claims his original muse was his father, André Lévy, an Algerian refugee whose teenaged engagement as a resistance fighter in Spain and France during the Second World War gave stimulus to the young Bernard-Henri’s idea of going to wartime Sarajevo in the early 1990s to make a documentary film about the genocide of Bosniak Muslims. The film Bosna! was released in 1994.

Lévy said his belief in the power of individuals to wake up the world was cemented during the time he spent filming, observing, and talking to people in Sarajevo. “Bosnia showed me that ideas matter, words can make a difference, decision makers can be convinced and that individuals can be a grain of sand that blocks the machinery.” (NYT)